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What are the hookup and marriage traditions in cuba


For walls, he used wood salvaged from shipping pallets and an old closet. For sound insulation, he used egg cartons and sawdust. The music coming from the studio at Guampara exemplifies the sort of hybrid Cuban sound that is gaining momentum abroad but has been slow to work its way through traditional government channels.

Yet Guampara is also a product of its time and place, an era of independent music-making in Cuba in which politics and technology have converged to bring a new generation of Cuban musicians into direct contact with audiences from around the globe.

Each paquete is a hard drive containing a variety of files, including songs, videos, pictures, magazines, advertisements, and What are the hookup and marriage traditions in cuba, that is smuggled through an underground network and downloaded to personal computers.

In Cuba, music is a matter of official state business; artists and their performances, both live and recorded, are subject to government approval. Anyone can create music in Cuba, but only state-approved musicians get the full backing of the Cuban music industry, which includes access to state-sponsored venues and state-owned studios, as well as having their music sold by state-owned labels.

Most music is funneled through large, state-run recording facilities like Abdala Productions and EGREMthe legendary studio made famous by the Buena Vista Social Club, and promoted and distributed by government agencies both within Cuba and outside the country.

State funding streams tend to flow according to state-recognized genres—such as salsa, sonand trova —as well as nontraditional styles like rock and rap, for which a state agency was created in For years, those making music on the fringes of state-sponsored genres have needed to find alternatives to the state-run machine in order to get their music out.

It pains Rodriguez to see innovative Cuban artists languishing in obscurity, their work confined to the island or sold to foreign producers for a pittance. Most Cuban musicians have little experience on the free market, and without agency representation, no legal infrastructure exists to protect their rights.

State-sponsored What are the hookup and marriage traditions in cuba assist young musicians with music training, equipment, What are the hookup and marriage traditions in cuba food and transportation expenses related to their performances. Agency-registered musicians earn a wage that is generous by Cuban standards.

The fact that the Cuban government even has an official agency that supports rap is in and of itself remarkable, says Kahlil Fantauzzi-Jacobs, an American documentarian and activist living in Brooklyn who has been coming to Cuba since the s. But for some artists, making music—or at least the music they want to make—within the Cuban system is an agonizingly slow process full of potentially career-ending bureaucratic potholes. Government agencies can refuse to support musicians on seemingly inconsequential technicalities.

DJs tend to have better chances when they apply as sound engineers or members of musical groups. But before joining Maqueque, Arocena made three unsuccessful attempts to register an all-female jazz group of her own, Alami, with Cuban music agencies. He began producing music inand is perhaps best known outside Cuba for his work with Grammy-nominated singer-rapper Danay Suarez.

For now, though, his work is centered in the bedroom where he was raised, in a house that has been in his family for more than four decades. For producers making hip-hop beats, this means more material to sample. Platforms like Bandcamp and SoundCloud have enabled a new generation of Cuban artists to upload their music directly online and connect with audiences through social media. Kahlil Jacobs-Fantauzzi and his brother, Eli, have been leading workshops on music production in Cuba since the mids and have focused recent efforts on training musicians to develop their brands, employ photography and video, and upload their music online.

They believe that fluency in these platforms is at least as important as having access to equipment on the island, as this kind of mastery permits Cuban musicians to be self-sufficient in the global music marketplace rather than encouraging their dependence on foreign producers.

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Political shifts, too, have led to new global audiences discovering the latest in Cuban sounds. A short-lived golden age of musical exchange, enabled by the Obama-era loosening of travel restrictions between the United States and Cuba, brought a number of Cuban musicians to American soil for the first time.

This golden period came to a sudden halt when the Trump administration withdrew diplomats from the US embassy in Cuba in September Now, with a skeleton staff, that embassy has stopped processing visa applications altogether from Cubans wishing to travel to the United States. Cubans wanting to visit the States have taken to traveling to a third country to initiate the visa process—a costly and time-consuming step that holds no guarantees.

This year he was the only Cuban act from Cuba to play at the festival.

Most Cubans see marriage as...

There were no record labels. No one was releasing it. He has made three albums with Arocena, whom he met when she was only 16 or For years, he felt that Cuban rap and reggaeton left something to be desired. Those people who shaped American hip-hop were always the people who were working in the shadows of the mainstream.

Before leaving the island, I return to Guampara to meet with Rodriguez. As we drink coffee, I take in the artwork on the studio walls, featuring musicians like the Wu-Tang Clan and Bob Marley.

Most Cubans see marriage as...

Rodriguez tells me about his idols: All week I had been thinking about Cuban self-determination, especially with so many foreigners—producers, activists, and journalists like myself—circling about. New opportunities for foreigners to appreciate Cuba and its music bring with them opportunities for those foreigners to commodify.

To dip in, to extract, to profit. Ostensibly, our presence represents something Rodriguez and many other Cubans want—a way to be seen and heard by the world. But when the conversation turns to the meaning of the guamparaI begin to feel more hopeful.

Rodriguez explains to me that, in the east of Cuba, guampara is the word for machete—a symbol of the fight for liberty, in one particular legend. I ask him what liberty means to him, and he tells me how he finds it through art. I just do it and I share it with the people. Whether they like it or not, they respond.

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Over the extent of walls, he used wood salvaged from shipping pallets and an old closet. For sound insulation, he used egg cartons and sawdust. The music coming from the studio at Guampara exemplifies the select of hybrid Cuban commonsensical that is gaining impulse abroad but has moth-eaten slow to work its way through traditional regulation channels.

Yet Guampara is also a product of its time and position, an era of aside from music-making in Cuba in which politics and technology have converged to emphasize a new generation of Cuban musicians into rule contact with audiences from around the globe. Each paquete is a strict drive containing a variation of files, including songs, videos, pictures, magazines, advertisements, and apps, that is smuggled through an seditionaries network and downloaded to personal computers.

Home Contact Us Martinoticias More. The pros and cons of marriage in Cuba. Most Cubans see marriage as something formal, empty, and without any practical sense. When you ask Cubans about the pros and cons of marriage, they smile at first, but then get serious, as if they were viewing a tragicomedy. Reinier Biscet, 28, has a girlfriend whom he "loves very much. After two years of dating, the young Cuban sees his story repeating itself. For some years now, Cuban couples have lost the incentive to sign a marriage certificate.

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